Gary Hart Gets It
In the first of his upcoming series of speeches meant to gauge the chances for a presidential campaign, Gary Hart demonstrates the remarkable insight into the world we live in today that I believe is going to make him a dangerous contender to the Republicans in 2004.
"Neither strategy nor security can be understood outside our current context. Too few of our policy-makers seem fully to appreciate the revolutionary whirlwinds that now shape our destiny. Indeed, we are swept up in at least four historic revolutions. They are: first, globalization, or the internationalization of commerce, finance, and markets; second, the information revolution, now creating a "digital divide" between computer literates and computer illiterates; third, the erosion of the sovereignty or authority of the nation-state; and fourth, a fundamental change in the nature of conflict. Without understanding the impact of these four simultaneous revolutions, a search for national security is futile. To respond to the first two revolutions requires foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East and elsewhere as bold as the Marshall Plan and as encompassing as energy security. To create a national security strategy requires an understanding of the changing nature of conflict in particular, and that requires an understanding of the erosion of the sovereignty of nation-states. "
Here is a man that obviously grasps the problems of foreign affairs in the 21st century in a way that Bush can only hope to stumble through while leaning on his father's generation of advisors.
Our entire system of foreign policy is based on countering the Communist threat, <sarcasm for Guanubian's benefit>something which the right-leaning punditry is still attempting to combat through their opposition to the recent peace protests, which were obviously a tool of the red menace</sarcasm>.
Soon-to-be-Candidate Hart (this particular web site and garyhart2004.org have just sprung up in the last week or so, leading me and others to believe the decision has already been made) is proposing to us that we need to stop worrying about such "red"-herrings, and instead focus on the actual dangers to our way of life: poverty, irresponsible energy policies and cultural arrogance,
"This new century requires a much clearer understanding of new threats and the causes of those threats than our leaders seem interested in pursuing. Who exactly is our enemy and why does he hate us? Unlike the clear-cut 20th century ideological struggle between democracy and communism, the role of poverty, disease, and despair becomes much more central. The role of cultural difference becomes much more crucial—"Take your filthy movies and go home," cry those who resent us and our popular culture. And the role of resentment—of our wealth, of our power, of our willful consumption of resources, of our arrogance—becomes a much greater factor.
It does not go without notice in the world, especially the impoverished world, that the United States consumes a quarter of the world's energy and produces a quarter of the world's pollution and trash. And to say that this will all be overlooked because multitudes of people would like to live in the United States is to miss the point; we are seen by many not only to be rich but also to be arrogant, arbitrary, and wholly self-interested."
...
"This new age requires, at the very least, a new definition of security and, to achieve it, a tool-box filled with more than weapons. National security in the 21st century will require economic and political tools, not simply military ones. Trade and aid programs must become more grassroots and human scale than top-down and bureaucratic. For example, micro-loan programs directed at home, land, and small business ownership have proved enormously promising in several countries in Asia and Latin America. And in the political arena, our diplomacy must once again be based on the principles underlying our Constitution and nation—principles of honor, of humanity, of respect for difference—and our diplomacy must be aimed at people not just governments. We can explain our principles and ideals much better than we have been; but we must then also be prepared to live up to them. The ideals of democracy are not marketed: they are lived.
Of the three resources required by terrorists—money, weapons, and people—the resource most vital is people. Our "war on terrorism" should aim to dry up the swamp of despair found in refugee camps, favelas, and impoverished villages throughout the world. As the writer Robert Kaplan has pointed out, for millions of young people from this swamp, barracks life and terrorist training camps are a step up. Though the first suicidal attackers did not come from refugee camps, it is a safe bet that the next wave will. "
Now, those on the right are going to read this and come to the conclusion that Gary Hart is another lefty, anti-american, PC wimp leading us to our destruction at the hands of our enemies, but they would be wrong. He simply recognizes that the military might of the last century does us no good in a world that has almost completely changed.
"The military component, however, necessarily remains at the center of national security. But the military of the 21st century must look and perform much differently from that of the 20th. Paradoxically enough, it will be more technological but it will also be more human. Technologically, our military will expand into space. But that component must be defensive not offensive. The 21st century military will also involve more precision-guided munitions. In the Persian Gulf war 10% of munitions were precision-guided and even those were not as consistently accurate as we were led to believe. In the Afghan war, 90% of our munitions were precision-guided. But that dramatic increase did not prevent us from bombing the wrong targets. Once again, precision is an asset only if the human factor, accurate intelligence, controls.
We are indeed in a "revolution of military affairs" largely driven by technology but dependent on intelligence collected and analyzed by humans. Our fighting forces are increasingly directed by and through a complex web of command, control, and communications networks all interwoven and interrelated. The first Persian Gulf war was directed from a makeshift headquarters in Saudi Arabia. A decade later the Afghan war was directed from Central Command in Florida. We are relying on UAVs, unmanned air vehicles, and UCAVs, unmanned combat air vehicles, as fast as we can produce them. The commander-in-chief can monitor real-time pictures from these vehicles in the White House.
But high technology can be both extremely vulnerable to and dependent on the human actor. Exotic Pentagon communications networks are vulnerable to "21 year old hackers." And the precision-guided munitions onboard planes flying from Diego Garcia or aircraft carriers in the Indian Ocean were guided by Delta Force personnel wearing civilian clothes and riding mules across the hills of Afghanistan. And wedding parties are wiped out because of the failure of human intelligence.
And even in the age of terrorism and "crime/war", we will need expeditionary forces. But they must be lighter and swifter. Getting there fast is now more important than getting there big. And ultra-sophisticated, post-Cold War conventional weapons systems—ships, planes, and tanks—will have to be different. Despite our enormous wealth, we can no longer afford to integrate technology so closely to platforms that the platform must be replaced when technology changes—as it does with lightening speed. We cannot afford ships, planes, and tanks that are outdated the year they come into service. Platforms—once again, ships, planes, and tanks—must be built for durability and long-life. The weapons and sensors we place on them must be "plugged in"—that is, readily removable when new ones become available.
The two illustrations are, of course, the venerable B-52 bomber and the aircraft carrier. The B-52, now in its sixth decade of life, is still performing—even though it's older than the fathers of the pilots who fly it. And we keep aircraft carriers in service for over half a century. The platform doesn't change. But the technological sensors and weapons change almost overnight these days. Even then, human ingenuity trumps everything. Delta Force, as I mentioned, used a 3000-year-old transportation system, the mule, to direct 21st century technology.
The roots of Secretary Rumsfeld's current uneven attempts to transition from 20th century weapons and warfare to preparation for what some have called the "fourth generation of warfare" of the 21st century trace to the military reform movement of the late 1970s. Even then, we reformers were advocating unit cohesion and officer initiative, maneuver strategy and tactics, and lighter, faster, more replicable weapons. Without attention to new people policies and innovative strategy, tactics, and doctrine, cancellation of weapons such as the Crusader artillery piece will by themselves not transform the military sufficiently for a new kind of conflict.
Paradoxically, once again, the most technologically superior superpower in human history is now dependent on human ingenuity more than ever. If intelligence fails, as it did one year ago, all the technology in the world cannot save us. To know when, where, and how terrorists intend to strike, and what they intend to use to do so, is almost entirely dependent upon human intelligence collection. Electronic surveillance, intercepts and wiretaps, bugging and pursuing cannot altogether replace the human agent."
This man gets it.
It's a little early to say definitively, but if the rest of his speeches meet my expectations as this one has, Gary Hart must be our next president.
[via Political Wire]
-- Composed with Newz Crawler 1.3 http://www.newzcrawler.com/
World Affairs from Wozz
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