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Monday, March 31, 2003

3/31/03-1898intro

Media and the War: Guess Which One?

In modern wars the relation between the staff correspondents of the newspapers, and the staff officers of the armies engaged, have been understood, by those who have knowledge of the administration of the Press and that of the military establishments, as full of difficulty; and there has been no approximation to a satisfactory solution of the embarrassments found in the course of our recent experiments.  One of the vital matters when nations lift the sword against each other is to restrict the circulation of intelligence, and the incessant increase of wires whose business is to convey news over continents and under seas, magnifies the problem of the adjustments of military necessities and the rights of the people represented by the Press.

If you guessed that the above was excerpted from last week's press release from the Secretary of Defense, you would be wrong but forgiven for the error. The above is from the author's preface of the Full Official History of the War With Spain, written by Murat Halstead and published in 1899.  As his title suggests, Halstead's project was to give the official version of the Spanish-American War, one specifically requested by the president of the United States.  

I'm a historian whose research focuses on the late 19th Century Spanish empire that ended with the War of 1898.  Reading and teaching about this war as the present day in Iraq goes forward is sometimes a surreal experience.  The echoes are sometimes deafening.   Do you think the problems of "embedded" reporting and corporate media are new?  Check this out, from the same preface:

The Press of the United States largely took very extraordinary attitudes with respect to the war of our country with Spain.  It was the belief of several great journals and journalists that they must be held accountable for the state of hostilities. They assumed airs of authority as to its management, its objects.  [...] In no war that ever took place did the Press go so expensively into the enterprise of reporting the current history, through special representatives, employ so many young men of courage and talent as historians on the spot, as in this Spanish-American combat of three and one-half months.  The sums of money spent in newspaper enterprise were enormous.  The expense account of the Associated Press was unexampled. Several newspaper proprietors employed steamers for their personal convenience and to supply newspaper service such as never before was imagined.

And then this eerie prediction:

If the fashion of last summer is to prevail, the time will come when the war correspondents will be a factor in the physical force of armies in the midst of operations...

Halstead's official history seeks to right the wrongs created, in his view, by instantaneous (for those days) coverage.  The tension between official knowledge and public media, as well as the relationship between the control of information and state power that I'd like to explore a bit in coming posts.

If you've read my previous posts here you may have noticed that I am more than a tad obsessed with understanding (and ranting about) the role of media during war.  Well, here is a bit of my "scholarly" explanation for this obssession.  These are not academic pieces I'll be writing here -- just references, contexts, and ideas I'm thinking about these days.
 

I.  ECHOES OF 1898 


 or, MR. BURNS: A REPUBLICAN WHO REMEMBERS 

(I said these entries wouldn't be academic)

One of my favorite lines ever spoken on "The Simpsons" came from evil Mr. Burns, a man so old he once griped about having lived through five years of McKinleynomics.  One of his quirks is his un-reconstructed hatred for all things Spanish, a perhaps odd-sounding bigotry today but which also stems from the era of President McKinley.  In an episode where Bart has hijacked an army tank, Mr Burns observes the mayhem outside and says  to his assistant:

Burns:  Smithers, we're at war.
Smithers:  I'll begin profiteering, sir.
Burns:  And hoarding.  Leave it to the Democrats to let the Spaniards back in the pantry.  
  
I  have to love a show that references the jingoism that led to the Spanish-American War  as a live memory.  The conflict,  I think, is rather undertaught in this country, given the importance of its consequences.   While the War of 1898 has largely been a "forgotten" history in the U.S., particularly with regards to its impact on the new "possessions", in many ways it marked the entry of the United States onto the global statge as a colonial power in the Age of Empire.  We might look back to it these days, when much of the world is wondering whether the U.S. intervention in Iraq is the opening salvo in a brand new Age of Empire.

Others have already seen the relevance of 1898 for today.  In The American Prospect, Harold Meyerson has argued that "You have to go back all the way to 1898, and the immediate aftermath of the Spanish-American War, to find a time when the question  of an American empire was on the national agenda in such pure and unalloyed fashion.  At issue then was what the United States should do with the nations--Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico--it had won from the Spanish in the ludicrous little war just concluded."  In Salon, Neal Gabler suggested that it might serve as a better metaphor for Iraq than the hawks' evocations of Hitler and World War II or the doves' calling on the Vietnam-era "quagmire."  

So I'm not the only person to comment on the echoes of the Spanish-American War we might hear today, but I might be the only blogger currently teaching a college course entitled "1898: From Spanish to U.S. Empires in the Caribbean and the Pacific" (if I'm wrong about that, I'd love to hear about it).    What I would eventually like to explore more than Meyerson or Gabler have is some of the other stories to come out of that war.  They focus on the U.S. end of thing; I will do this as well but would also like to add a more global perspective when thinking of the war's legacies.  When the U.S. and Spain negotiated a settlement to the short conflict, for example, there were important groups conspiculously not represented at the Treaty table:  Cubans, Puerto Ricans, and Filipinos.  That absence may be one of the most important aspects of that war we need to think about today.  While it has been relatively easy for the U.S. to "forget" 1898, in colonies and former colonies, memories often run much longer.  We might think about that as we see protests coming from what is (I think) dismissively called "The Arab Street".

And did I say "short conflict"?  Wrong. That's what comes from taking a solely U.S. perspective on history.  In the words of one U.S. official it was indeed a "splendid little war" (today Meyerson substitutes 'ludicrous' as the descriptor)--but to many in Cuba and the Philippines, the war had been going on for quite some time before the U.S. stepped in to clean up the mess and declare itself the victor.  More on that later.  In Cuba the war isn't even called the same thing; it is remembered as "La Guerra Hispano-cubano-americana"--the "Spanish-Cuban-American War."  More on this later.

That's it for introducing this little series of entries.  Next post on this topic:  "The U.S. and the 'Imperialism Canard'"


12:11:25 PM    comment []



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