Katrina and the War on the PoorFirst LBJ and then Reagan had the "War on Poverty," but we all saw it
for what it was, a war on the poor. Twenty-five years later, and here
we are with an ever-rising percentage of us living below the poverty
line, tens of millions without health care, and all making a wage nowhere
close to life-sustaining. It took a disaster of epic
proportions, and the disturbing images that it produced, for us to
start talking about poverty again. All over the place are little hints
and discussions about the role of class and race in the mess left from
Katrina, and what role both should play in the rebuilding of New
Orleans. Seeing that NOLA is one of the most corrupt cities in the
country, making even the corruption of Chicago pale in comparison
(well, maybe not pale), and that it has long been run by and for elites
(first white, now mixed with the "talented tenth" of the black creole
population), it will be a miracle if the city included any of its tens of
thousands of poor citizens in the decisions being hatched out over
martini lunches right now. 6:55:49 PM | Salon ran a two-part roundtable discussion on how to rebuild, and I thought this from Angela Glover Blackwell, the founder and CEO of PolicyLink, was a highlight: The
television coverage of Katrina's impact on New Orleans, for the first
time, showed the American people the reality of black poverty in this
country. The American people were shocked and embarrassed. The last
time the country had a sustained glimpse into the conditions in black
America was during the civil rights movement -- then, however, the
cameras captured the determination of black leaders and the courage of
the young civil rights workers. This time it was the face of black
poverty directly. Despite some early attempts on the part of some media
to turn the victims of the hurricane into lawless vandals, what the
American people saw was individuals and families and community members,
just like themselves, trying to do the best they could for their
friends, relatives and neighbors. They saw children and the elderly
suffering because of decades of neglect, not just days of neglect. For
the first time they saw their fellow U.S. citizens and they were
ashamed that such neglect could exist in the land of abundance.
The people of the United States responded with their dollars, but where is the vehicle to allow the American people to send their political will to Washington to demand that the country do something about persistent poverty? This is the big opportunity: to have a sustained conversation about the continuing causes of poverty, why it is still disproportionately concentrated among African-Americans, and what strategies can effectively reverse this trend and open up more opportunties for all. This is the time to help the American people understand the unsustainability of current development patterns that promote vast investments in suburban communities while concentrating poor people in areas that are isolated from job opportunity, not well served by public transit, and defined by failing public schools and the absence of essential amenities like supermarkets. The Nation this week ran a number of essays about New Orleans and the role of class as well, including a gem by Adolph Reed, Jr., one of our country's most eloquent writers on class and race. I'm reading his book Class Notes right now on recommendation from one of his friends who I know here in Chicago. Reed was born and raised in New Orleans: I don't have space or words to catalogue the horrors and outrages
associated with the plight of New Orleans and its people. In any event,
the basic story is now well-known, and we're entering the stage at which
further details mainly feed the voyeuristic sentimentalism that will
help the momentarily startled corporate news media retreat gracefully to
their more familiar role as court heralds. The bigger picture will
disappear in the minutiae of timelines and discrete actions.
What will be lost is the central point that the destruction was not an
"act of God." Nor was it simply the product of incompetence, lack of
empathy or cronyism. Those exist in abundance, to be sure, but they are
symptoms, not ultimate causes. What happened in New Orleans is the
culmination of twenty-five years of disparagement of any idea of public
responsibility; of a concerted effort--led by the right but as part of a
bipartisan consensus--to reduce government's functions to enhancing
plunder by corporations and the wealthy and punishing everyone else,
undermining any notion of social solidarity. [snip] Also in this week's Nation, Mike Davis and Anthony Fontenat ask 25 questions about the "murder" of New Orleans, and Naomi Klein calls for a "people's reconstruction."
I don't have much hope at this point that the reconstruction will be
mindful of class given how rents have already skyrocketed in the city, landlords are evicting tenants before they even return,
and soaked-through houses are being gobbled up by hungry developers.
It's sad, truly sad, that so many who were left behind when Katrina
first stormed in are being left behind again, and will most likely
continue to be. When I read Clayton Cubett's blog
about his mother's loss, I thought of how many tens of thousands of
others like her there are down in the Gulf Coast, and how most of them
don't have a child or relative who is financially capable of helping
them out. I was struck by the lack of philanthropy in New Orleans when I first
moved there three years ago. It was so different than Chicago, where
though there is poverty and shameful segregation, there are also a lot
of individuals and organizations commited to social change and working
hard in neighborhoods across the city to make life better for the
city's residents. When I first moved to New Orleans a close friend
introduced me to two of her cousins, local socialites, because she
thought they might be able to help me get a job in the non-profit
sector. Before moving to New Orleans I was Executive Director of the Neighborhood Writing Alliance, a small community arts program in Chicago, and I wanted to stay in the same sort of job.
They told me in very frank terms that New Orleans was about church and
family and Mardi Gras, and that it was to those three areas that money
went. Over the next three years I found out how true this was. There
was money in New Orleans, no doubt. Dick Cheney came to town for a
lunch before the election and raised $500,000 in an hour for David
Vitter's successful senate campaign. But the money wasn't going into
the communities that needed it the most, unless you count the aluminum
doubloons made in China that were thrown out to the masses during the
many days and nights of Mardi Gras. The poverty was obvious in that city to anyone who lived there. I wrote about it the day the hurricane struck, thinking like so many others that New Orleans had once again been spared the worst. Reading over the note I sent to that prominent Sir back in the fifth grade,
I thought how my grammar and spelling were better when I was "9 1/2
going on 10" than many of my college freshman students in New Orleans.
It was heartwrenching and frustrating to see how low their level of
skill was. They had so many interesting ideas, so many stories they
wanted to tell, but they were crippled by their failed educations. (And
it wasn't just the public school students, by the way.) Many had to
take remedial English for several semesters (with no financial
assistance) before they could take my
freshman comp class. And many others failed my class, then failed
again, trying to get to a basic level of competence. That level was far
below what was expected of me when I was a freshman in high school (the
students had to write a four-paragraph argumentative essay at the
community college and a five-paragraph essay at the university). The
class ended with a pass/fail exit exam that was neither
administered nor graded by the instructors that determined whether the
student passed out of freshman comp or had to take it again. Some of us
instructors talked about how much cash the public university system was
making off of this freshman comp business and how, perhaps, the
elementary and high school system was kept at a lower level on purpose
to create legions of low-wage workers unable to critically think (and
therefore question their lot in the city) while simultaneously being
sold the idea that they needed college educations to earn anything more
than minimum wage, only to go to college and pay to take the same class
over and over again because they were so lacking in skills. It seemed
like a racket, and perhaps it was. Part of me thinks that the evacuees I met in Houston are better off
there -- their kids will get better educations, the parents
higher-paying jobs. But the other part of me thinks this is a
monumental failure of the city of New Orleans and its elites and they
owe it to these residents to include them in the city this time around.
I've never understood how some people can be so blindly selfish as to
think that if they protect their own little corner of the world that's
enough. Don't they realize that everyone benefits when everyone is taken care of? In the Garden District, signs are posted on telephone poles declaring that the neighborhood is
"Patrolled by Off-Duty NOPD." We lived on the northernmost edge of the
Garden District Private Patrol route, which was fine with us since we
heard gun shots nearly every night. (Not that the private patrol made
any difference -- after all, we heard gun shots every night even with
them rolling around in their Ford SUVs). The first time I saw that sign
I thought how absurd it was -- why wouldn't the neighborhood be
patrolled by on-duty
NOPD? -- and how completely opposite it was
to my hometown Chicago where you can't go a night or day without
hearing sirens (this is a fortified city with 14,000 sworn officers)
and where even in my working-class and immigrant neighborhood cops
respond to calls within minutes. I got rear-ended on St. Charles one
fall and called 911 to have a cop come by and write up a report.
Several cops
drove by and told us we had to wait for a "traffic cop" who, they
promised, was "on the way." After a full five hours of waiting for the
mythical "traffic cop" we drove ourselves to the police station on
Magazine and Napoleon and got harangued by the lieutenant in his office
lined with Rex posters about how we were supposed "to wait at the scene
of the accident and not move the vehicles." It was infuriating, and we
were two white women with out-of-state plates and on the main tourist
drag outside of the Quarter. Imagine the lack of service in the 9th
Ward. |
It's always been a struggle...![]() Monday night I went to see Lhasa at the HotHouse with my mom, Luis, his wife Diana, and two of their friends. Lhasa clutched her left hand in a fist, held it tight to her stomach while she sang, her face contorted as if each word was a struggle to get out. Opening for her was DeVotchKa, an odd Denver trio that uses a theramin in their show. Nifty! Before the show I had dinner with my mom at her house, and she gave me this draft of a letter I sent to "Sir," a nameless man-in-charge (government-type, no doubt) when I was "9 1/2, going on 10": Dear Sir,
My name is Katy Ingold and I have a terrific idea. If fuel ever runs out and nobody knows what's happening around the world because they can't watch television 'cause it is runned [sic] by electricity then why don't we make big batteries and put them in the televisions and lights and other things so we can still have these things. Your Friend, Katy Ingold P.S. Please send me a letter saying if it is a good idea or a bad idea. Surprisingly, I never got a letter back from Sir about this idea. When I wrote this I was in the fifth grade, and my mom and I lived in a railroad apartment on Pleasant Street in Oak Park, Illinois, a self-described progressive suburb just west of Chicago where Ernest Hemingway grew up (and so famously said it was a city "of wide streets and narrow minds"). We had a rickety black-and-white RCA TV and it was in my mom's room. I remember my favorite shows were re-runs of The Cisco Kid, Hawaii Five-O and Emergency!. Apparently I was quite concerned with keeping up with my "information" and worried about what an energy crisis might do to my quality of life. I don't remember too much about my teacher, Mr. Morelli, except that he always had a five o'clock shadow and it looked green from his black hair and pale skin. I remember, too, that we had to memorize one poem that year and recite it and I chose "The Road Not Taken" by Robert Frost (which I still remember, by the way). I guess he had us write letters to powerful Sirs too, which I'm sure suited me just fine since I already saw myself as a political person. I wonder, do fifth graders still send letters to powerful Sirs in their classrooms? And if they do, what do they write about? Their desire to learn "intelligent design" in science class? How prayer should be a part of school? The inequities of our economic system? Or are they still sending letters about our on-going energy crisis and the wars we're waging in relation to it? S has not received any letters from kids, but he has received a couple from adult strangers, including an elderly woman from New Orleans who knows one of the men on his old lacrosse team down there. She sent a kind letter to him wishing him well and hoping he stays safe. He wasn't sure if he should send a response back now that her city has no mail service and is struggling to emerge from the flood. I'm not certain, but I think he sent her a card anyway, thinking one day it would reach her, even if it came a little soiled around the edges. |
